Franklin D. Roosevelt

来源：长理培训发布时间：2022-12-14 13:02:02

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第一篇：fourth inaugural address of Franklin D. Roosevelt

fourth inaugural address of Franklin D. Roosevelt

saturday, january 20, 1945

mr. chief justice, mr. vice president, my friends, you will understand and, i believe, agree with my wish that the form of this inauguration be simple and its words brief.we americans of today, together with our allies, are passing through a period of supreme test. it is a test of our courage--of our resolve--of our wisdom--our essential democracy.

if we meet that test--successfully and honorably--we shall perform a service of historic importance which men and women and children will honor throughout all time.

as i stand here today, having taken the solemn oath of office in the presence of my fellow countrymen--in the presence of our god-- i know that it is america's purpose that we shall not fail.

in the days and in the years that are to come we shall work for a just and honorable peace, a durable peace, as today we work and fight for total victory in war.we can and we will achieve such a peace.

we shall strive for perfection. we shall not achieve it immediately--but we still shall strive. we may make mistakes--but they must never be mistakes which result from faintness of heart or abandonment of moral principle.

i remember that my old schoolmaster, dr. peabody, said, in days that seemed to us then to be secure and untroubled: "things in life will not always run smoothly. sometimes we will be rising toward the heights--then all will seem to reverse itself and start downwarD. the great fact to remember is that the trend of civilization itself is forever upward; that a line drawn through the middle of the peaks and the valleys of the centuries always has an upward trenD."

our constitution of 1787 was not a perfect instrument; it is not perfect yet. but it provided a firm base upon which all manner of men, of all races and colors and creeds, could build our solid structure of democracy.

and so today, in this year of war, 1945, we have learned lessons-- at a fearful cost--and we shall profit by them.

we have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace; that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations far away. we have learned that we must live as men, not as ostriches, nor as dogs in the manger.

we have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.

we have learned the simple truth, as emerson said, that "the only way to have a friend is to be one." we can gain no lasting peace if we approach it with suspicion and mistrust or with fear.

we can gain it only if we proceed with the understanding, the confidence, and the courage which flow from conviction.

the almighty god has blessed our land in many ways. he has given our people stout hearts and strong arms with which to strike mighty blows for freedom and truth. he has given to our country a faith which has become the hope of all peoples in an anguished worlD.so we pray to him now for the vision to see our way clearly--to see the way that leads to a better life for ourselves and for all our fellow men--to the achievement of his will to peace on earth.

第二篇：first inaugural address of Franklin D. Roosevelt(中文翻译)

我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身

富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲

星期六,1933年3月4日

我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。

幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为，难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。

但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机——向非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。

第三篇：Franklin delano Roosevelt演讲辞

Franklin delano Roosevelt

pearl harbor address to the nation

delivered 8 december 1941

mr. vice president, m(收藏好范文，请便下次访问Www.HAowORd.coM)r. speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives:

yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.

the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.

indeed, one hour after japanese air squadrons had commenced

bombing in the american island of oahu, the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state a formal reply to a recent american message. and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic

negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack. it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe

damage to american naval and military forces. i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost. in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and honolulu.

yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.

last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.

last night, japanese forces attacked guam.

last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.

last night, the japanese attacked wake islanD.

and this morning, the japanese attacked midway islanD.

japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending

throughout the pacific area. the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

as commander in chief of the army and navy, i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

no matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated

invasion, the american people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

hostilities exist. there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding

determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us goD.

i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and

dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.

第四篇：Franklin D. Roosevelt: the fou

Franklin D. Roosevelt: the four freedoms

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word ?°unprecedented?± because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these?athe four-year war between the states?aever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition?aclear, definite opposition?ato any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914?aninety-nine years?ano single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world?aassailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to ?°give to the congress information of the state of the union,?± i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere?ayes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature?a and, incidentally, untrue?afor anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole worlD.

no realistic american can expect from a dictator?ˉs peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion?aor even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headeD. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe?aparticularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes?aand great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility?agreat accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily?aalmost exclusively?ato meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the enD.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases?aand, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars?ˉ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we neeD.

let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free worlD. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge."

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators?aif the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency?aalmost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national neeD.

a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

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the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the worlD. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern worlD. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the worlD.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the worlD.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the worlD.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the worlD.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called ?°new order?± of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of goD. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第五篇：Franklin D. Roosevelt: the four freedoms

Franklin D. Roosevelt: the four freedoms

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these—the four-year war between the states—ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition—clear, definite opposition—to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole worlD.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

in times like these it is immature— and, incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole worlD.

no realistic american can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe—particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes—and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases—and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

and when the dictators—if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national neeD.