精彩英语演讲稿(精选多篇)

第一篇：如何写出精彩的英语演讲稿

如何写出精彩的英语演讲稿

当今社会，交流沟通变得异常重要，而公共英语演讲就是其最常见和有效的手段之一。无论是在学习还是工作中，我们会越来越多地接触到公共英语演讲，小到课堂的presentation、工作中的团建，大到学术大会上的发言、总统竞选。那么，如何才能写出精彩的英语演讲稿呢？对于初学者来讲，怎么把握其写作的关键呢？下面，我将从大家熟知并广为推崇的乔布斯xx年斯坦福大学的毕业演讲稿为范本，给大家具体剖析精彩英语演讲稿的写作要点，以帮助大家进一步了解其基本写作要领和指导大家的写作实践。

一、结构清楚，逻辑明晰

由于公共演讲一般受众为数十人甚至数百、数千人，再加上演讲环境的不确定性（比如：观众的欢呼，或者抱怨），最好在进入主题后马上给出所讲内容的逻辑框架，以便听众更好的预判整个演讲内容，有利于他们更好地跟随演讲者的思路，达到良好的演讲效果。比如，乔布斯在该次演讲中，开篇稍微寒暄开篇之后，就进入正题，“today i want to tell you three stories from my life. that's it. no big deal. just three stories.”学生们马上能做出逻辑预判，我们今天会听到乔布斯谈三点，然后具体关注是哪三点，这种演讲就具备了“audience-centeredness”（以观众为中心）的特质。乔布斯在随后的演讲中明确提到，“the first story is about connecting the dots. my second story is about love and loss. my third story is about death.”由于这种明晰的思路，听众在听完之后也会记忆犹新，不会觉得头脑混乱，毫无所得。

当然，演讲稿的逻辑安排有多种方式，乔布斯的这篇演讲是按照topical order（话题顺序）和chronological order（时间顺序）来安排的。除此之外, 还有 spatial order（空间顺序）, problem-solutution order（提问解决顺序）等等。大家可以根据不同的演讲内容来安排自己演讲稿的逻辑顺序和结构。

二、开篇出彩，结尾有道

演讲稿的开篇和结尾往往需要花费大量的功夫去设计，这往往是精彩演讲的亮点所在。因此，在写作时，需要结合受众、场合和演讲内容等，争取一开始就紧紧抓住听众的注意力和兴趣所在，结尾时，尽量做到意味深长、启发思考。下面，我将给大家具体分析基本的开篇和结尾模式，供大家以后写作参考。

开篇的目的是要吸引听众，乔布斯在该篇演讲稿中使用的是“relate the topic to the audience"（关联话题与听众）的方式，这是一种比较有效的方法，人们一般对自己的事情都很关注，和自己相关的事情也会格外留意，乔布斯在开篇说到，“i am honored to be with you today at your

commencement from one of the finest universities in the world. i never graduated from college. truth be told, i never graduated from college. this is the closest i've ever gotten to a college

graduation.”高度赞美斯坦福大学是最好的大学之一，就是在与听众发生关联，让大家产生好感，当然老乔还用了适当的幽默，更好地融洽了与听众的关系，“简洁、有效”本就是乔布斯的演讲风格。除此之外，还有其他的一些开篇方式，我们也需要了解和掌握。 1. state the importance of your topic（指出演讲话题的重要性）。直接告诉听众，你的演讲重要在哪里。比如：今天要做的是一场“英语演讲的艺术”的演讲，那开始就直接指出，该演讲对于大家今后的学习工作将会有重大的帮助，甚至给出一些数据和实例，让听众明白不听这个演讲将会是我的损失。这样，听众就会很乐意投入到该次演讲中去。2. startle the audience （使听众震惊）。例如：要做一场关于“生活方式与疾病”的演讲，开篇就可以给出一组极具冲击力的数据，让听众看到生活方式的不健康将会是多么可怕的事情，这样的震惊使听众能够快速调整状态，投入到听演讲中去。3. arouse the curiosity of the audience（引起听众的好奇心）4. question the audience（向观众提问）。5. begin with a quotation（以引用开篇）。6. tell a story （以故事开篇）。这些基本开篇的方式被无数的演讲证明是实用而且有效的。

结尾往往可以起到“画龙点睛”的作用，开篇正文再好，如果结尾过于平淡，整个演讲的精彩程度都会大打折扣。那么如何做到“结尾有道”呢？首

先，我们来看看乔布斯的这篇演讲稿，他的结尾比开篇更加出彩，采用的是“end with a quotation”，达到的效果是特别引人深思。他在结尾说道，“stewart and his team put out several issues of the whole earth catalog, and then when it had run its course, they put out a final issue. it was the mid-1970s, and i was your age. on the back cover of their final issue was a photograph of an early morning country road, the kind you might find yourself hitch hiking on if you were so

adventurous. beneath it were the words: "stay hungry. stay foolish." it was their farewell message as they signed off. stay hungry. stay foolish. and i have always wished that for myself. and now, as you graduate to begin anew, i wish that for you. stay hungry. stay

foolish.”他不仅在结尾引用这句“stay hungry. stay foolish”（求知若渴，虚怀若谷），而且重复三遍，强化听众的印象，这句话也被广泛传播，被誉为该篇演讲的“精髓”。

在结尾时，可以用结束信号词让听众明白你要准备结尾了，不要让演讲结束得太突兀，比如，“in conclusion", "let me end my speech by

saying...", "i'd like to close my speech this way."等。具体的结尾方式很多，常见的有：1. summarize your speech（总结演讲）。2. make a dramatic statement（强有力的陈述），这个不同于引用他人之言，往往是演讲者自己的沉淀和呐喊，非常经典的演讲是patrick henry's legendary "liberty or death" oration. 他在结尾时说道，"is life so dear, or

peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? forbid it, almighty god! i know not what course others may take; but as for mw, give me liberty, or give me death." 3. refer to the

introduction（首尾呼应）。这是体现演讲内在统一的很经典的形式，值得借鉴。

三、观点阐释，有效支撑

毫无疑问，主体段的信息量最大，写作量也是最大，如何更清晰地阐释演讲者的观点，有效支撑分论点，是写作时应该把握的关键。在明晰了写作逻辑之后，就要围绕这些逻辑要点来展开论证。乔布斯在斯坦福大学的毕业演讲

中，逻辑要点有三：1. the first story is about connecting the dots.2. my second story is about love and loss. 3. my third story is about death. 他在阐释中主要运用了以下手段。首先，举例子。文中用了大量的例子来说明他怎么对待学习、工作和死亡，比如他说起自己决定辍学然后旁听有意思的课程，这些课当时对他没什么实质的帮助，但是十年后在当他设计第一款macintosh 电脑的时候，这些东西全派上了用场，这个例子充分说明了他要讲的第一个要点-- 串起生命中的点滴。在随后的文中，乔布斯大量地讲述了他事业生活中的例子，让听众感受到真实的力量和鼓舞。其次，引用。他除了在文章最后用到了引用，文中也不乏引用的痕迹，比如在讲到死亡时，他引用了一句格言，“if you live each day as if it was your last, someday you'll most certainly be right.”这句话能表明他对于死亡的态度。恰到好处的引用往往能使听众印象深刻。第三，数据。在讲第二个故事--关于爱和失去时，乔布斯用到了一系列数据来支撑观点。他说自己是幸运的，因为，“woz and i started apple in my parents garage when i was 20. we worked hard, and in 10 years apple had grown from just the two of us in a garage into a $2 billion company with over 4000 employees. we had just released our finest creation — the macintosh — a year earlier, and i had just turned 30.”数据很直观，能让听众有直接的认识和理解。

除了以上提到的主体段展开方式，还有一些常用的手段，比如：testimony（引证），可以用专家的观点增强演讲的信度，也可以用普通人的一手经验证明自己的观点。另外，大家还需要了解的是，举例分为简短的例子，具体深入的例子和假想的例子；数据包括单一数据，组合数据等等。

如何才能更加有效掌握这些演讲写作的要点呢？我有三点建议：1.多看。多看一些演讲素材，比如名人演讲，演讲比赛优秀选手的演讲等，积累大量的一手素材，当然也有必要阅读关于英语公共演讲的书籍，本人非常推荐

stephen e. lucas的《演讲的艺术》。2.多想。学会分析这些演讲之所以精彩

的原因，可以从我上面讲的几点入手。3.多练。在有一定积淀和感觉之后，就要大量练习写作演讲稿，话题可以从日常学习和工作中选取，实用性要强，这样练起来更有兴趣和成就感。最后，大家要明白一点，好的公共演讲除了演讲稿要好，还有别的很多因素绝不可忽视，比如：语言质量，肢体语言，视觉辅助，语音语调，临场反应，现场把控能力等，这些结合在一起才能最终让你成为一个优秀的公共演讲者。

第二篇：精彩英语演讲稿：我的座右铭

i have a super motto.

it works like magic.

it's "just do your best."

i say it all the time.

it guides me every day.

it's helpful in many ways.

it helps me face challenges.

it takes away my worries.

it makes me feel stronger, too.

one day i was sick.

i had an important test.

i was very nervous and afraid.

i told myself, "just do your best.

give your best effort.

give one hundred percent."

then i had courage.

i became confident.

as a result, i did a wonderful job.

please follow this motto.

say it every day.

you can benefit, too.

don't worry about the outcome.

don't compare yourself with others.

just do your best.

i believe anything is possible.

where there's a will, there's a way.

so please do your best every day.

第三篇：diven's 绝对精彩英语演讲稿

hi, everybody! my name is diven. first , i want to thank new oriental school for giving me this chance to make friends with the english learning enthusiasts from all over the country .and as you see, i am an alive and kicking old boy who's ready to get more new friends here. personally, i do love making friends with strangers, through which i get to know stories of them. (time limited) to make my whole story short, i would like just to share a few of my views on making friends. to us, life is more like a winding river crossing time than a straight road heading toward the future. making new friends is like finding new flowing rivers crossing our own, some of them stirring, some silent and some even mysterious. they came as they did, all of a sudden. a total indifference to who and what we used to be! but, for better or worse, we believe each of them is telling a beautiful life story of its own. every life is for what it is worth. sometimes, you will find a few of them could ever be so incredibly marvellous and attracting that you cannot help yourself drinking some luscious water of them, to absorb instructive and useful elements for your whole life. that is exactly how we are influenced by our dearest friends. every life is beautiful. i hope that when my hair grows white and i look back, i can see my life has been full of beautiful interlacing rivers. look, how beautiful they are! i love life. i love beautiful things. i love happiness，however,

life is not all about blissful moments. kind of making it up , "past pain is joy " goes the saying. it is true that only when most of our young time is gone far away and we take the rest to look way back can we find even those hard times of our lives look amazing; even those time when we were hurt by our loved ones，now we see happy tears . time cures heart and makes it to forgive, believe it or not, but time also can make every life look beautiful ,and time makes love between friends grow fonder. and that's all about it. thanks.

译文：

嗨，大家好！我的名字叫diven。首先，我想感谢新东方学校给我这个机会来结识各位来自全国各地的英语学习爱好者。 正如你们所见，我是一个准备好要在这里交更多新朋友的“活蹦乱跳”的老男孩。就本人而言，我十分喜欢和陌生人交友，并借此来了解别人的故事。（由于时间所限），我就把我的故事长话短说吧，我想分享一点点关于交朋友的心得。对我们而言，与其说生命像一条朝着未来笔直挺进的道路，不如说它像一条在时间里蜿蜒穿越的河流。结交新的朋友就好像发现了新的流淌的河流在从我们自己的河流中穿过。他们有的激越澎湃、有的静谧无语、有的甚至神秘莫测。他们就这样来了，完全不关心我们曾经叫什

么名字，是什么样的人，一切是那么突如其来！但是，无论是好是坏，我们相信他们中的每一个人都有一个属于自己的美丽的生命故事。每个生命都有它自己的价值所在。有时，你会发现他们中间有一小部分竟会是如此惊艳、如此迷人，以至于你禁不住想要喝他们的美德之泉，畅饮不辍，受用终身。我们亲爱的朋友们就是通过这种方式来影响我们。每个生命都很美。我希望，当我的头发开始变白的时候，回头看看，我的生命中已经充满了纵横交错的美丽的河流!瞧，他们多美啊!我爱生命。我爱美丽的事物，我爱快乐。但是，生命并不全是快乐时光。然而似乎是为了弥补这一缺憾，有句名言说道，“过去的痛苦是今天的快乐。”只有当我们大部分的青春时光远远的走开了，我们才会用我们剩下的时间来看一眼远远的身后。现在，就连我们那些艰难的时光也看起来如此令人兴奋；在那些曾经被我们心爱的人伤害的时光里，此刻我们看到了幸福的眼泪。时间治愈我们的心灵，教会它原谅。信不信由你，时间也让生命看上去很美，时间让朋友间的情谊更加深厚。这就是我要讲的，谢谢。

第四篇：精彩英语励志演讲稿

《winston churchill's iron curtain speech》

winston churchill presented his sinews of peace, ， at westminster college in fulton, missouri on march 5, 1946 .

president mccluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the president of the united states of america:

i am very glad indeed to come to westminster college this afternoon, and i am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. the name “westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. i feel as if i have heard of it before. indeed now that i come to think of it, it was at westminster that i received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. in fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

it is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the president of the united states. amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the president has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. the president has told you that it is his wish, as i am sure it is yours, that i should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. i shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions i may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. let me however make it clear that i have no official mission or status of any kind, and that i speak only for myself. there is nothing here but what you see.

i can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength i have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

ladies and gentlemen, the united states stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. it is a solemn moment for the american democracy. for with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. if you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. to reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. it is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the english-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. we must, and i believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

president mccluer, when american military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. there is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. what then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? it is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. and here i speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

to give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. we al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. the awful ruin of europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of asia glares us in the eyes. when the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty states dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. for them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

when i stand here this quiet afternoon i shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. none can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. we are all agreed on that.

our american military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. here again there is widespread agreement. a world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. uno, the successor of the league of nations, with the decisive addition of the united states and all that that means, is already at work. we must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a tower of babel. before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- i cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

i have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. the united nations organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. in such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. i propose that each of the powers and states should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. these squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. they would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. they would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. this might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. i wished to see this done after the first world war, and i devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

it would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the united states, great britain, and canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. it would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. no one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in american hands. i do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some communist or neo-facist state monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. the fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. god has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

now i come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. we cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the united states and throughout the british empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. in these states control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. the power of the state is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. it is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the english-speaking world and which through magna carta, the bill of rights, the habeas corpus, trial by jury, and the english common law find their most famous expression in the american declaration of independence.

all this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. here is the message of the british and american peoples to mankind. let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

though i have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, war and tyranny, i have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. but if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. i have often used words which i learn fifty years ago from a great irish-american orator, a friend of mine, mr. bourke cockran, “there is enough for all. the earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” so far i feel that we are in full agreement.

now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, i come to the crux of what i have traveled here to say. neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what i have called the fraternal association of the english-speaking peoples. this means a special relationship between the british commonwealth and empire and the united states of america. ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and i will venture to the precise. fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. it should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all naval and air force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. this would perhaps double the mobility of the american navy and air force. it would greatly expand that of the british empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the united states has already a permanent defense agreement with the dominion of canada, which is so devotedly attached to the british commonwealth and the empire. this agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. this principle should be extended to all the british commonwealths with full reciprocity. thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. eventually there may come -- i feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

there is however an important question we must ask ourselves. would a special relationship between the united states and the british commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the world organization? i reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. there are already the special united states relations with canada that i have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the united states and the south american republics. we british have also our twenty years treaty of collaboration and mutual assistance with soviet russia. i agree with mr. bevin, the foreign secretary of great britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. we aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with russia. the british have an alliance with portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. none of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “in my father's house are many mansions.” special associations between members of the united nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the charter of the united nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as i believe, indispensable.

i spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the temple of peace. workmen from all countries must build that temple. if two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words i read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. the dark ages may return, the stone age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material(请你收藏好 范 文，请便下次访问：wWw.HAoWOrD.COM) blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. beware, i say; time may be short. do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. if there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of i have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. there is the path of wisdom. prevention is better than the cure.

a shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the allied victory. nobody knows what soviet russia and its communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. i have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant russian people and for my wartime comrade, marshall stalin. there is deep sympathy and goodwill in britain -- and i doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. we understand the russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of german aggression. we welcome russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. we welcome her flag upon the seas. above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the russian people and our own people on both sides of the atlantic. it is my duty however, for i am sure you would wish me to state the facts as i see them to you. it is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in europe.

from stettin in the baltic to trieste in the adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the continent. behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of central and eastern europe. warsaw, berlin, prague, vienna, budapest, belgrade, bucharest and sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what i must call the soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from moscow. athens alone -- greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under british, american and french observation. the russian-dominated polish government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon germany, and mass expulsions of millions of germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. the communist parties, which were very small in all these eastern states of europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

turkey and persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the moscow government. an attempt is being made by the russians in berlin to build up a quasi-communist party in their zone of occupied germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing german leaders. at the end of the fighting last june, the american and british armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the western democracies had conquered.

if no the soviet government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-communist germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the american and british zones, and will give the defeated germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the soviets and the western democracies. whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the liberated europe we fought to build up. nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

the safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. it is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. twice in our own lifetime we have seen the united states, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. twice the united state has had to send several millions of its young men across the atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of europe, within the structure of the united nations and in accordance with our charter. that i feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.

in front of the iron curtain which lies across europe are other causes for anxiety. in italy the communist party is seriously hampered by having to support the communist-trained marshal tito's claims to former italian territory at the head of the adriatic. nevertheless the future of italy hangs in the balance. again one cannot imagine a regenerated europe without a strong france. all my public life i never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. i will not lose faith now. however, in a great number of countries, far from the russian frontiers and throughout the world, communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the communist center. except in the british commonwealth and in the united states where communism is in its infancy, the communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to christian civilization. these are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

the outlook is also anxious in the far east and especially in manchuria. the agreement which was made at yalta, to which i was a party, was extremely favorable to soviet russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the german war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the german war. in this country you all so well-informed about the far east, and such devoted friends of china, that i do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

i have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. i was a minister at the time of the versailles treaty and a close friend of mr. lloyd-george, who was the head of the british delegation at versailles. i did not myself agree with many things that were done, but i have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and i find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. in those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the league of nations would become all-powerful. i do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

on the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, i repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. it is because i am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that i feel the duty to speak out now that i have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. i do not believe that soviet russia desires war. what they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. but what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. they will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. what is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

from what i have seen of our russian friends and allies during the war, i am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. for that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. we cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. if the western democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. if however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

last time i saw it all coming and i cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. up till the year 1933 or even 1935, germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. it could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. we surely, ladies and gentlemen, i put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. this can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with russia under the general authority of the united nations organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the english-speaking world and all its connections. there is the solution which i respectfully offer to you in this address to which i have given the title, “the sinews of peace”.

let no man underrate the abiding power of the british empire and commonwealth. because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. if the population of the english-speaking commonwealths be added to that of the united states with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. on the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. if we adhere faithfully to the charter of the united nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all british moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.

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